By Deborah J. Schildkraut
What does it suggest to be - or turn into - American amidst state-of-the-art immigration debates? Deborah Schildkraut explores public opinion in regards to the implications of yank identification. Importantly, the ebook evaluates the declare that each one american citizens may still prioritize their American id rather than an ethnic or nationwide beginning id. nationwide id can improve participation, belief, and legal responsibility. however it may also bring about hazard and resentment, and, between contributors of minority teams, it may well bring about alienation from political associations and co-nationals.
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Additional resources for Americanism in the Twenty-First Century: Public Opinion in the Age of Immigration
Scholars devoted to studying the power of political identities often focus on particular aspects of identities, resulting in frustration in the lack of overarching terminologies and models (Brubaker and Cooper 2000; Smith 2003; Smith 2004). The range of important questions to ask about national identity and immigration is in many ways overwhelming. I tackle several here that at times seem too disparate to include in a single study and at other times too intertwined to untangle at all. What unites the questions explored here is a concern with how people from a variety of backgrounds and experiences view themselves in relation to American society and with how they form opinions on important ethnicity-related public policies.
It has also meant focusing on the views of white Americans because many national surveys fail to garner sufficient numbers of nonwhite participants. In the second, they employ unique surveys with innovative measures but have restricted their samples in terms of geography or ethnicity. Examples of such data sources include past iterations of the Los Angeles County Social Survey (LACSS, 1994–2000), the Latino National Political Survey (1991), the Kaiser Family Foundation/ Pew Hispanic Center National Survey of Latinos (KFF/PHC, 2002), the Washington Post/Kaiser/Harvard Survey on Latinos (2000), the Public Agenda “Now that I’m Here” survey of immigrants (2003), the Pilot National Asian American Political Survey (PNAAPS, 2000–1), and the Latino National Survey (LNS, 2006).
6 Ninetyseven percent of people who selected “some other race” on the census were Hispanic (Grieco and Cassidy 2001). More importantly, roughly 72 percent of Hispanic respondents to the 21-CAS racially identify as Hispanic or with their Latin American country of origin (62% the former and 10% the latter). Finally, as a scholar of racial and ethnic politics in the United States, it is my suspicion that for those respondents who fall in multiple categories, the increasing public attention over the years to Latino immigration, potential Latino political power (aka “the sleeping giant”), and Latino purchasing power collectively serve to increase the salience of this portion of a person’s heritage.