By Vered Amit
Ethnographic fieldwork is often obvious as what distinguishes social and cultural anthropology from the opposite social sciences. This assortment responds to the inte nsifying scrutiny of fieldwork lately. It demanding situations the belief of the need for the full immersion of the ethnographer within the box, and for the transparent separation and private components of task. The very lifestyles of 'the box' as an entity break away daily life is questioned.Fresh views on modern fieldwork are supplied by way of various case-studies from throughout North the USA and Europe. those contributions supply a radical appraisal of what fieldwork is and may be, and an additional size is extra via attention-grabbing money owed of the non-public reports of anthropologists within the box.
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Extra resources for Constructing the Field: Ethnographic Fieldwork in the Contemporary World (European Association of Social Anthropologists)
It serves to uphold the notion that the ‘field’ remains separate from the ‘home’ in ‘real’ anthropological fieldwork. In turn, this conceptualization sets up other relationships between what is valued/devalued and what is considered work. Home, and work that takes place close to home, is made distinct from work that takes place ‘away’. For feminist anthropologists, questions of valuation and epistemology that are linked to definitions of ‘home’ have been key to debates for some time. Specifically, the continued devaluation of fieldwork undertaken ‘at home’ and the effort to expose and disrupt systems of devaluation of certain kinds of knowledge and practice in the discipline has been a challenge for feminist anthropologists.
All ethnographic research is thus done ‘in the field’, but some ‘fields’ are more equal than others—specifically those that are understood to be distant, exotic, and strange. This hierarchy of field sites manifested itself in a number of ways in my experience. First, the strength and appeal of the anthropological ‘journey elsewhere’, and the notion of ‘rite of passage’ were clear features of the rhetoric which surrounded me in graduate school. The contradiction I experienced was that on the one hand, my reworking of the concepts of ‘field’ and ‘fieldwork’ was encouraged while, on the other, there was an expectation that I would nevertheless attempt to fit my work into a framework of what constitutes ‘real’ anthropology.
For instance, the report claimed that: Sport helps Canadians face the reality of globalization by developing competitive skills and behaviours that are rapidly becoming essential to our economic survival. As well, on the economic side, sport is a multi-billion dollar industry providing jobs to thousands of Canadians…. 11 Clearly, studies of the social organization of children’s sports in Canada can expect to attract a highly interested and decidedly partisan audience of non-academic readers. The survey of community sports clubs that I conducted attracted considerable interest from a number of provincial sports organizations and netted me an invitation to address the annual conference of one of them.