By Janine M. Ubink, Kojo S. Amanor
African coverage on wide-spread land family members has develop into more and more challenging within the wake of the becoming price of residential and agricultural land; in Ghana, land has been the topic of starting to be commodification which has ended in elevated makes an attempt by means of tribal chiefs, earth monks, land clients, and governmental actors to redefine “custom,” land possession, and tenure. This selection of essays severely examines the relationships among commonplace and statutory tenure, in addition to the institutional interactions among the nation and conventional gurus, addressing problems with energy, responsibility, and fairness in a few case experiences, in addition to bills of prior and modern coverage.
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Extra resources for Contesting Land and Custom in Ghana: State, Chief and the Citizen (AUP - Law, Governance, and Development R)
By the late 1970s, however, the growth of Ivorian exports, combined with fresh supplies from new cycles of cocoa cultivation in southeast Asia, had begun to saturate the global market. World prices fell after 1978, putting downward pressure on Ivorian export earnings just as supplies of uncultivated forest land began to run out. Coming on the heels of OPEC‘s second major oil price increase in the late 1970s, the convergence of cocoa cycles and closure of the southwestern frontier helped to push the Ivorian economy into a prolonged crisis that has yet to be resolved (Crook 1990; IMF et al.
Expectations of upward mobility also figured in family labour arrangements. Young people who worked for their fathers or elder kinsmen were rarely paid for their services, but they too anticipated moving on to start their own farms, with assistance from the relatives whom they had helped in the past. Young men who had worked on their fathers’ farms might ask for land when they were ready to marry and start households of their own, or for money either to start businesses or pay school or apprenticeship fees, the latter enabling them to move out of farming and into salaried employment in the cities.
By 2000, 12 per cent of the population was living in extreme poverty (as measured by the World Bank’s standard of less than $1 per day) and half subsisted on $2 or less (Akinde`s 2004:23-24). 20 Unlike Coˆte d’Ivoire, where structural adjustment coincided with and accelerated falling income and employment, in Ghana the first Structural Adjustment Loan brought a measure of relief after the collapse of imports and basic food supplies in 1983/1984. With the help of good weather and a rise in the world price of cocoa in 1985/19861986/1987, staple food crops and other basic commodities reappeared in the markets, and income stabilised, especially in the rural areas.