Current Issues in Morphological Theory: (Ir)regularity, by Ferenc Kiefer, Mária Ladányi, Péter Siptár

By Ferenc Kiefer, Mária Ladányi, Péter Siptár

The current quantity comprises chosen papers from the 14th foreign Morphology assembly held in Budapest, 13–16 could 2010, geared up lower than the auspices of the learn Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. the choice of papers provided right here addresses difficulties of language use in a single or one other feel, protecting problems with regularity, irregularity and analogy, in addition to the position of frequency in morphological complexity, morphological swap and language acquisition. The languages mentioned contain Dutch, German, Greek, Hungarian, Lovari (Romani) and Russian. The members are Anna Anastassiadis-Symeonidis, Mario Andreou, Márton András Baló, Dunstan Brown, Gabriela Caballero, Anna Maria Di Sciullo, Wolfgang U. Dressler, Roger Evans, Alice C. Harris, László Kálmán, Katharina Korecky-Kröll, Sabine Laaha, Laura E. Lettner, Maria Mitsiaki, Péter Rácz, Angela Ralli, Péter Rebrus, Alan ok. Scott, and Miklós Törkenczy.

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Extra info for Current Issues in Morphological Theory: (Ir)regularity, Analogy and Frequency. Selected papers from the 14th International Morphology Meeting, Budapest, 13-16 May 2010

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Let us take a glance at the various possible forms of this verb in Hungarian Lovari. The paradigms in Table 7 appear to be uniform, but the situation is far from being so clear-cut. Whether the diverse columns can be mixed is uncertain and whether we should talk about intra-speaker or inter-speaker variation is also ambiguous, or, alternatively, whether we would have to say that Hungarian Lovari itself can be divided into several varieties. Table 7. g. ’ from Hungarian bokszol; birkozin- ‘wrestle’ from Hungarian birkózik, with the addition of the marker to the bare stem birkóz-), which implies that it could indeed have been borrowed from neighboring Central dialects.

The most obvious examples of the former (Matras 2002: 122) are the following: (2) darav- ‘frighten’ < dara- ‘be afraid, fear’ našav- ‘drive away, expel’ < naš- ‘escape, run away’ However, there are other, less unambiguous examples. According to Matras (2002), the verb xoxav- ‘deceive, tell a lie’ derives from a non-verbal root that has been lost, while Hutterer & Mészáros (1967) claim that it has its origins in the existing verb xox- ‘cheat, lie’, which, however, does not appear in Vekerdi (2000).

Both can be used to explain why it was not forms like *bistred- and *putred- that came into being. (Apart from the forms containing the cluster -(s)trd- – like bistr-, putr-, inkr- ‘keep, hold’, etc. 8) It is clear from the above examples that the marker -ar is not added to the nominative form but to the bare nominal stem, which does not contain any case markers. 8. The verb giljab- ‘sing’ is interesting in that respect and it is related to the marker -av in that it is one of the rare verbs which derive from nominals – in this particular case, the word gili ‘song’ – with the help of the marker -av (it exists in the forms giljav- and djilav-/djilab- as well).

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