By D. Redlawsk
As a part of the learn of feelings and politics, this ebook explores connections among impact and cognition and their implications for political overview, determination and motion. Emphasizing concept, method and empirical examine, Feeling Politics is a crucial contribution to political technological know-how, sociology, psychology and communications.
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Extra info for Feeling Politics: Emotion in Political Information Processing
Under what conditions will beliefs, feelings, and intentions be spontaneously activated in a chain of conjoined thought, feeling, action? 3. When, for whom, and under what situational cues will implicit beliefs, feelings, and intentions impact subsequent beliefs, attitudes, and action? 4. Under what conditions will citizens be able and willing to override their spontaneous responses with conscious control? The Cognitive Architecture Before turning to evidence supporting the notion of political automaticity, let us briefly review the cognitive architecture underlying our dual-process theory of political information processing (Lodge and Stroh 1993; Lodge and Taber 2005; Taber 2003).
The basic claim of our dual-process model is that those political beliefs, feelings, goals, and behaviors that were contiguously associated in the past are: ● ● ● “unitized” in LTM and come spontaneously to mind on mere exposure to an environmental triggering event or situational cue; enter into the decision process in real time—that is, within milliseconds, before any conscious considerations; and color the conscious appraisal of candidates, parties, events, issues, and behavioral strategies. To the extend that some (we claim all) political thoughts, feelings, intentions, and actions have an automatic component that necessarily influences subsequent evaluations, judgments, and choices, then our discipline’s reliance on conscious, introspectively available considerations as mediators of behavior fails to model correctly how most citizens most of the time think, reason, and act.
That political attitudes and beliefs are imbued with an affective association), Lodge and Taber (2000) had participants read a campaign brochure of a hypothetical Congressman, William Lucas. In addition to the Congressman’s picture was information detailing his background and experience as well as his strong position on the death penalty (pro for half the participants/con for the others). After reading the brochure, participants were engaged in a classical sentence verification task in which they indicated by a True/False button response whether LUCAS was, for example, a Republican [Yes], a woman [No], pro- [Yes] or anti[No] death penalty.