Locality and Information Structure: A cartographic approach by Yoshio Endo

By Yoshio Endo

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In which filing cabinet didn’t he put the document Here, as K&T note, the obligatorily focalized PP in which filing cabinet in (7b) is sensitive to negative islands, whereas the non-obligatorily focalized PP in which room in (7a) is not. Consider the former case first: Why is it that the obligatorily focalized element may not escape negative islands? The feature-based RM provides a natural answer. 2 Thus, in the feature-based RM, the argument(A)/non-argument(A’)-distinction is irrelevant. Rizzi (2004:232-233) notes some empirical reasons to eliminate the A/A’-distinction.

Given Cinque’s (1999) argument that all adverbs are uniformly licensed in the specifier of some functional head, the distinction between adverbs of quantification and others with respect to RM is hard to make based on an A/A’-distinction. Second, left-dislocated elements cause only a mild deviancy for extraction of both arguments and adjuncts in Italian. Since left-dislocated elements occupy a specifier position (Rizzi 1997), the relevant distinction cannot be made with respect to RM solely on the basis of an A/A’-distinction.

In the following section, we will make a further refinement of the feature-based RM. Cases where X0-elements intervene for A’-chains 2. 6 In this section, I would like to discuss another counterexample put forth by K&T and suggest a possible solution by exploring the possibility of eliminating the distinction between ‘specifier’ and ‘head’ in RM. K&T advance the following negative islands: (34) a. b. *Bill is here, as you have forgotten *Bill is here, as you are unaware of Here, we see a negative island effect, although there is no A’-element that counts as the relevant intervener for the A’-chain.

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