By Prudence M. Rice
In Maya Political technology: Time, Astronomy, and the Cosmos, Prudence M. Rice proposed a brand new version of Maya political association during which geopolitical seats of energy circled in keeping with a 256-year calendar cycle often called the may well. This basic connection among timekeeping and Maya political association sparked Rice's curiosity within the origins of the 2 significant calendars utilized by the traditional lowland Maya, one 260 days lengthy, and the opposite having twelve months. In Maya Calendar Origins, she offers a provocative new thesis concerning the origins and improvement of the calendrical system.
Integrating info from anthropology, archaeology, artwork historical past, astronomy, ethnohistory, fable, and linguistics, Rice argues that the Maya calendars built a few millennium prior to regularly inspiration, round 1200 BC, as an outgrowth of observations of the ordinary phenomena that scheduled the hobbies of overdue Archaic hunter-gatherer-collectors all through what turned Mesoamerica. She asserts that an realizing of the cycles of climate and celestial routine grew to become the root of strength for early rulers, who may possibly thereby declare "control" over supernatural cosmic forces. Rice exhibits how time grew to become materialized—transformed into prestige gadgets comparable to monuments that encoded calendrical or temporal concerns—as good as politicized, changing into the basis for societal order, political legitimization, and wealth. Rice's learn additionally sheds new mild at the origins of the Popol Vuh, which, Rice believes, encodes the historical past of the advance of the Mesoamerican calendars. She additionally explores the connections among the Maya and early Olmec and Izapan cultures within the Isthmian sector, who shared with the Maya the cosmovision and beliefs included into the calendrical platforms.
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Extra resources for Maya Calendar Origins: Monuments, Mythistory, and the Materialization of Time (The William and Bettye Nowlin Series in Art, History, and Culture of the Western Hemisphere)
C. Throughout the Americas, Archaic occupation is found in caves or rockshelters, for example in Mesoamerica in Tehuacán (MacNeish 1967) and Oaxaca (Flannery and Marcus 1983), at El Gigante in Honduras (Scheffler 2002), and at the Santa Marta rockshelter in central Chiapas, where Richard S. MacNeish (1964:420) reported finding caches of rounded pebbles perhaps used in slingshots. In the K’iche’ basin of the Guatemala highlands, Kenneth Brown (1980) found 117 sites dating to the Paleoindian and primarily Archaic periods, which he classified as chipping stations, base camps, and limited-resource camps.
Could have triggered the seasonal movements: the call or migration of particular birds; the time of new growth, blossoming, or ripening of certain plants (fruits, grasses, nuts); the time of birthing of certain animals; the presence or absence of rains, winds, visibility of stars; and so on (Nilsson 1920:46–52). Similarly, it might have been recognized early on that certain flowers signaled that desirable pods or seeds would be available in the area in a later season (Flannery 1986b). ), were found in a wide range of environments.
Poor dating, stratigraphic discontinuities, gaps in the sequence, and a lack of evidence for pre-Olmec occupation along the Gulf coast long posed insuperable obstacles to understanding developmental and transitional processes, but recent work on both coasts and in the Pacific piedmont region has resolved some of these problems. On the Pacific coast of Chiapas and Guatemala, a region known as Soconusco (after the Aztec province of the same name; Voorhies 1989a, 1989b, 2004), reevaluations of the early chronology using calibrated radiocarbon dates (Blake et al.